6 Comments
Apr 12Liked by Jim Power & Chris Johns

listening to the rest of it now. Very good.

THIS IS NOT THE UNITED IRELAND / BREXIT WE VOTED FOR!

That should be the no campaign billboard I think.

Is the deficit any difference to other subventions?” is the great question Chris. Well done: Nice and open.

The reality is it is! Northern Ireland’s economy is a basket case and the political mess is even worse. It’s time to face reality: it’s not a real country: it’s a DMZ. A peace project that needs funding from a the UK, considering it’s their mess.

The mad thing is the economics is so strong it’s outweighing culture. There can’t be many instance of this. I’m from a big IRA family background but I can’t be delusional when thinking of what is best for the next generation.

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Apr 11Liked by Jim Power & Chris Johns

Hi lads. Delighted to see a podcast on this topic because I think public opinion in the republic will be swayed once the less economically literate get a clear tangible picture of just how much we’re talking about here.

I’m writing this as I listen so apologies if this gets covered later on.

One counterargument that pops up is that the northern Irish economy will grow post unification. As you are well aware I’m sure, an impossible argument to either back up or to fully rebut. But I will give it a shot.

Much of the republic’s economic success is built on the multinational sector choosing the republic ahead of other EU states to invest in. At least some of Northern Ireland’s economy is built on the spill over effects from that economic activity in the republic, so they already benefit from this to some degree.

How dubious an assumption is it to say if we expand Ireland’s population size by 50%, we will in the aftermath attract 50% more multinationals required to deliver the same economic model to Northern Ireland? I think if we were capable of attracting 50% more multinationals into Ireland we would have done so by now already. Where will this growth come from?

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This was very interesting! (Like all of your podcasts!!)

One point I keep thinking about is that we often make the assumption social welfare rates, benefits and public sector pay can only go up. Therefore the conclusion that you came to: Northern rates would likely have to increase in a new Ireland to over time catch up with southern rates - the burden of that would be massive.

I don't necessarily agree:

Why not meet in middle / average / median? Yes, in a united Ireland, social welfare and public pay in what's now northern Ireland will have to increase but why could they not decrease a bit in what's now the south? The immediate answer to that would most likely be that nurses and teachers in Dublin can't afford to rent as it is. Fair enough - and that is a huge problem.

But it's mad to me that a nurse or someone on social welfare in Donegal can have a comfortable life, while both struggle immensely in Dublin.

There must be a better way. Politically (in Ireland at least) paying someone differently for the same work in different parts of the county is a taboo.

But maybe a new Ireland can find a new way on this topic and adjust this type of expenditure to what the public workers and benefits recipients actually need to lead a comfortable life.

I'd love to see the calculation on that. How much will rates and pay in the republic have to decrease to make the extra burden reasonable. :-) At least academically that would be a worthwhile exercise, even if it's political suicide.

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